At the time of the Presidential Election the then President shall, representing the opinion of the people carefully and reverently nominate three persons, with the qualifications stated in the first Article, as candidates for the Presidential Office. The articles published on the 12th of the Second Month of the First Year of Chung Hua Min Kuo, regarding the favourable treatment of the Ta Ching Emperor after his abdication, and the special treatment of the Ching Imperial Clan, as well as the special treatment of the Manchus, Mongols, Mahomedans and Tibetans shall never lose their effect. The trial of law suits in the judicial courts should be open to the public; but when they are deemed to be harmful to peace and order or good custom, they may be held in camera. The Judiciary shall independently try and decide cases of civil and criminal law suits according to law.
This view is based on a saving clause in article 8 of the Treaty of 1915 which says that “all existing treaties between China and Japan relating to Manchuria shall, except where otherwise provided for by treaty, remain in force.” Since the last days of the Tsings, the Japanese have been establishing police boxes in different parts of South Manchuria and Eastern Inner Mongolia always under protest of the local and Peking authorities. Since the treaty of 1915, a new reason has become available in the right of mixed residence given to Japanese in these regions. It is said that for the protection and control of their subjects, and indeed for the interest of the Chinese themselves, it is best that this measure should be taken. It is further contended that the stationing of police officers is but a corollary to the right of exterritoriality, and that it is in no way a derogation of Chinese sovereignty.
Thus it is correct to declare that had he so wished Yuan Shih-kai could have crushed the revolution entirely before the end of 1911; but he was sufficiently astute to see that the problem he had to solve was not merely military but moral as well. The Chinese as a nation were suffering from a grave complaint. Their civilization had been made almost bankrupt owing to unresisted foreign aggression and to the native inability to cope with the mass of accumulated wrongs which a superimposed and exhausted feudalism — the Manchu system — had brought about. Yuan Shih-kai knew that the Boxers had been theoretically correct in selecting as they first did the watchword which they had first placed on their banners — “blot out the Manchus and all foreign things.” Both had sapped the old civilization to its foundations. But the program they had proposed was idealistic, not practical.
A last effort was made by the reactionary element to jockey the President into submission by presenting to the Chief Executive a petition from the Military Governors assembled in Peking demanding the immediate dissolution of Parliament. On this proposal being absolutely rejected by the President as wholly unconstitutional, and the Military Governors soundly rated for their interference, an ominous calm followed. We, the undersigned, hereby address this interpellation to the Government.
On October 1, 1914, a truce agreement was concluded between the companies and the Unions, continuing the 1911 Conciliation Scheme, but making it terminable on six weeks’ notice. Alike with other trades the railwaymen received increases in wages from February 1915, on to November 1918. Up to September 1918, men of eighteen years and over received a war-wage advance of 30s. In November 1918, a sliding scale was arranged under which the war-wage was to rise and fall with the index-number of retail prices as published in the Labour Gazette.
Passivity has been so long enthroned that of the Chinese it may be truly said that they are not so much too proud to fight as too indifferent, — which is not a fruitful state of affairs. Looking on the world with callous detachment the masses go their own way, only pausing in their work on their ancient Festival days which they still celebrate just as they have always celebrated them since the beginning of their history. To find her lumbering on undisturbed, ploughing the fields, marrying and giving in marriage, buying, selling, cursing and laughing, carrying out rebellions and little plots as though the centuries that stretch ahead were still her willing slaves, has in the end become to onlookers a veritable nightmare. Puzzled by a phenomenon which is so disconcerting as to be incapable of any clear definition, they have ended by declaring that an empty Treasury is an empty rule, adding that as it is solely from this monetary viewpoint that the New China ought to be judged, their opinion is the one which will finally be accepted as authoritative. The situation is admittedly dangerous; and it is imperative that a speedy remedy be sought; for the heirs and assigns of an estate which has been mismanaged to the brink of bankruptcy must secure at all costs that no public receivership is made.
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In the present instance, having been bitterly disappointed by the complete collapse of the strong man theory, it was only natural that consolation should be sought by casting doubt on the future. The life-story of Yuan Shih-kai, and the part European and Japanese diplomacy played in that story, form a Chapter which should be taught as a warning to all who enter politics as a career, since there is exhibited in this history a complete compendium of all the more vicious traits of Byzantinism. The Revolution of 1911 had been entirely unexpected in Japan.
THE LABOUR PARTY’S FALSE POLICY
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To attempt a description of those measures in their entirety would be wholly outside the scope of this book; those who wish to study them will find a full and lucid description in Labour Supply and Regulation, by Mr. Humbert Wolfe, C.B.E., shortly to be published by the Oxford University Press. I am only concerned to deal with them so far as they provide guidance for future policy. The immediate inception of trade with Russia, and normal political relations with the Soviet Republic. The Russian Government was known to be ready to supply to this country large quantities of timber, hide, flax, platinum and gold in payment of extensive supplies which it needed of railway equipment, means of transport, agricultural machinery, implements of all kinds, clothing, boots, and a thousand and one other commodities. This necessitated and justified the immediate conclusion of an effective trade agreement with Russia.
Then the Japanese Consul suddenly interfered in the administration of justice by the local authorities over the Koreans and claimed that he should have jurisdiction. In ancient times the ruler of a country emphasized the important duty of protecting the lives of his people, and as their shepherd could not have the heart to cause them injury. Now the newly established form of government has for its sole object the appeasement of the present disorder with a view to the restoration of peace. If, however, renewed warfare were to be indefinitely maintained, by disregarding the opinion of the majority of the people, the general condition of the country might be irretrievably ruined, and there might follow mutual slaughter among the people, resulting in the horrible effects of a racial war.
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There is also a growing volume of opinion in favour of funding certain annual national expenditure, e.g. pensions, as an alternative to raising the necessary expenditure by taxing. Better surely the disadvantages of borrowing with the advantages of a revival of trade, than the satisfaction of theoretically sound finance with the misfortune of being overtaken in the race for foreign markets by continental competitors. Scores of pamphlets have now been published descriptive of the policy of the Party on every conceivable topic—political, administrative, judicial, local government, social, and industrial—national, imperial and international. If formulation on paper of ideals of humanitarianism, and quixotic Utopianism, without any consideration of cost or practicability, is statesmanship, the Labour Party’s policy is truly admirable.
A reformer of 1898 — that is one of the small devoted band of men who under Kang Yu Wei almost succeeded in winning over the ill-fated Emperor Kwang Hsu to carrying out a policy of modernizing the country in the teeth of fierce mandarin opposition, he possessed in his armoury every possible argument against the usurpation Yuan Shih-kai proposed to practise. He knew precisely where to strike — and with what strength; and he delivered himself over to his task with whole-hearted fervour. It having become known that he was engaged in preparing this brief for the people of China, every influence was brought to bear to prevent such a disastrous publication. Influential deputations were sent to him to implore him to remember the parlous international situation China found herself in, — a situation which would result in open disaster if subjected to the strain of further discords. But at length the Republican Party persuaded him to deal the tyrant the needed blow; and his now famous accusation of the Chief Executive was published.